Dance through epigraphy


Last update: December 2, 2023


Introduction

While the representation of dance is omnipresent in the iconography of pre-Angkorian and Angkorian temples, the number of epigraphic texts mentioning dance and dancers is limited. We offer here a chronological review.

 

Apart from a few mentions of celestial apsara dancers, most inscriptions refer to "sacred dancers". By "sacred dancers" we mean Hindu or Buddhist temple maids (during the reign of King Jayavarman VII) whose role was to dance for the deities. They are mentioned in epigraphy as nāṭikāḥ in Sanskrit and rmāṃ, rmmāṃ or ramaṃ in Old Khmer. There are other terms for secular dancers. Pre-Angkorian texts in Old Khmer also mention the term pedānātaka rpam to designate dancers in training (ballet); nātaka designates an "actor" and rpam "dance". As for the term pedā, its meaning is uncertain. The Sanskrit term peṭaka, on the other hand, means "multitude, company, group". Pedānātaka rpam allows us to understand that what we call "dance" should rather be understood as "total theater". Indeed, sacred dance is not strictly speaking a performance, even if it is given to entertain the gods and the general aesthetic flatters the senses of the humans who watch it.Sacred dancers use their bodily gestures to perform narrative dances, i.e. a choreographic corpus capable of replacing, or underlining through gesture, the words and syntax of a text in order to describe a situation or tell a story. Like the verb, religious dance is a tool for communicating with the deities; words are replaced by gestures (hand gestures —mudrā / lit. "seal"—, general body movement, eyes, head...).In the South Indian tradition, mudrā reinforce the sacred word (mantra) or a mental intention (bhavana) when it exists. The term pedānātaka rpam shows that the dancers danced in a group, as confirmed by the iconography.

Sacred dancers represent physical offerings made to temples by donors. A pre-Angkorian text in Old Khmer, referenced K. 51, mentions that Mratan Indradatta offered ten female dancers (rapam) to the temple. The text does not specify whether these maids were already trained in the art of dance or not. Nor do we know their ages. However, we do know the names of four of them, the others having been ruined.

 

For your convenience, a Glossary of Dance & Theatre can be found on this site.


Doorjamb of Loṅvêk - 7th c.

Inscription K. 137*, in 7th-century script, consists of 35 lines in Old Khmer, listing the slaves that a king, perhaps Jayavarman I, instructs a servant to deliver to Mratāṅ Kamratāṅ Daṃdaṃ, probably to distribute among various shrines.

One line mentions 5 names of dancers (piṇḍa rapaṃ) and 12 of singers (caṃmreṅ).

* K. 137 =G. Cœdès, Inscriptions du Cambodge, vol.II, p.21.


Angkor Borei inscription - 7th c.

An inscription from Angkor Borei*, dated Friday January 21, 612 A.D., is one of the earliest written references to the pre-Angkorian world of dance. It contains lists of temple servants, land and domestic animals. Among the servants are musicians and dancers. The latter bear customary names in Old Khmer that tell us something about their artistic, moral or physical personality.

We report here the translations made by Saveros Pou in his 2004 dictionary of Old Khmer-French-English, supplemented by his study "Music and Dance in Ancient Cambodia as Evidenced by Old Khmer Epigraphy".

 

jmaḥge raṃ/ Dancers' names

Carumatī/ Beautiful as a parrot

Priyasenā/ Beloved servant

Aruṇamati / Of the color of ruby

Madanapriyā/ Of a gaiety that delights

Samarasenā/ (Who plays the role of) soldier in battle

Vasantamallikā/ Spring jasmine

 

* K. 600 = Corpus, XIII, Face Est, G. Cœdès, Inscriptions du Cambodge, vol.II, p.21.


Kok Roka inscription - 7th-8th c.

The Kok Roka inscription, entirely in Khmer and of uncertain provenance, has been dated to the 7th or 8th c. by virtue of the typology of its script. Once again, this is a list of temple servants. 

 

Order of citation of the servants. 

  1. gandharvva / Musicians
  2. pedānātaka rpam / Dancers (first quotation)
  3. caṃreṅ/ Singers (first citation)
  4. pedānāta rpam / Dancers (second quote)
  5. caṃreṅ/ Singers (second quote)

We'll just mention the dancers here. To see the full list, click here.

 

2. pedānātaka rpam / Dancers (first quotation)

ku Raṅgaśrīya / The pearl of the theatrical troupe

ku Mandalīlā / With a languid gait

ku Caturikā / Intelligent, talented

ku Amandanā / Active, alert

ku Suvṛttā / Of beautiful appearance, who performs well

ku Cāralīlā / With graceful movements

ku Tanumaddhyā / ?

ku Harinākṣī / With gazelle eyes

ku Smitavatī / Smiling

 

All these dancers, whose names could be translated - dancer-actresses since religious dances were narrative - bear a name in direct relation to their function. It's also notable that the first name quoted translates as "The pearl of the theatrical troupe".

 

4. pedānātaka rpam / Dancers (second quote)

ku Haṅsavādi / To the voice of the wild goose haṅsa

ku Sītākṣā / To the eyes of Sītā

ku Vṛt(t)āvalī / In a curved line, in a circle

 

Note that the first dancer has a name qualifying her voice.


Foundation stele of Prah Kô - 9th c.

Stanza XXXV of the foundation stele of Prah Kô ref. K. 713 (or Preah Ko, late 9th c.), mentions several generic Sanskrit terms for servants specialized in music and singing, the names of three musical instruments and associated words linked to the mode of playing. A second stanza, XXXVI, mentions dancers, without however specifying their role.

 

narttakyaobhan bahvyo     gyanyo vdiks tath

vīṇādivdyavdinyo                veutlaviśāradāḥ

 

Source

XXXVI. Un grand nombre de belles danseuses, chanteuses, récitantes, musiciennes, joueuses de cithare et autres (instruments), de flûte, habiles à entrechoquer les cymbalettes.

 

Translation

XXXVI. A large number of beautiful dancers, singers, reciters, musicians, players of the vīṇā and other (instruments), skilled in striking “cliquettes”. *

*Original translation by G. Cœdès, 1937. Inscriptions du Cambodge, vol.I, p.22:XXXV

 

Vocabulary related to music and dance

  • nart: to dance
  • gāyatra: song, hymn
  • vīṇā: zither on stick (Sanskrit)
  • vād: derived form of vad: to play a musical instrument
  • veṇu: transverse flute
  • tāla: cymbals

Revised translation

XXXVI. A great number of beautiful dancers, singers, reciters, musicians, players of zither and other (instruments), of flute, skilled in clashing cymbals.

 

XXXVI. A large number of handsome and well-made men, skilled in dancing and other (arts), well-dressed, adorned with their finery,

 

Let's take the opportunity of this wonderful Prah Kô stele to mention the two stanzas that conclude the Sanskrit text, as in most similar stelae: 

 

XXXIX. May those who, out of greed, steal the goods given by Çri Indravarman, go to the terrible hell as long as the sun and moon last.

 

XL. But let those who, animated by unrivalled faith, make these donations prosper, go and dwell in Çiva's abode as long as the sun and moon last.

 

We hope, as part of this Sounds of Angkor research, to contribute to the radiance of these foundations!


Inscription of Bantāy Prāv - Early 11th c.

Inscription of the north jamb of the central tower. (K. 221 - Corpus CVIII).

This inscription dated 1007 and 1011 AD mentions the names of two dancers and four singers attached to the temple. Curiously, no musicians are mentioned, unless they are the gho described after the singers, which would be logical in the hierarchy of the text.

(15-17) Dancers: Tai Khna, Tai Kansān. Singers: Tai Dharma, Tai Tirtha, Tai Kansān again, Tai Thleṃ. (Follows a list of eight servants (gho) whose text does not say whether they are also singers.

The names of servants are sometimes linked to their character. Saveros Pou's dictionary of Old Khmer does not offer a translation for the first dancer Tai Khna; on the other hand, Tai Kansān means “Who is calm, peaceful”.

* Inscriptions du Cambodge vol.III. G. Cœdès 1937. Paris, Editions de Boccard.

 


Stelae of Ta Prohm and Preah Khan - Late 12th c.

We know, from the epigraphy, that a large number of servants, and particularly dancers, were attached to the temples. The Ta Prohm stele translated by G. Coedès (1906) reveals dizzying figures:

LXIII ....... .. .... There are here 400 men, 18 main officiants, 2,740 officiants

LXIV ... .......... 2,232 assistants, including 615 dancers (nāṭikāḥ)

LXV ......... ..... A total of 12,640 people, including those entitled to housing

LXVI ..... ..... ... 66,625 men and women serve the gods there

LXVII... .... ..... In total 79,365 with the Burmese, the Chams, etc.

 

At Preah Khan (Stele of Preah Khan, inscription K. 908), the number of dancers is even greater (Maxwell p.67)

4,606 men are cooks and others

2,298 servants; 1,000 sacred dancers (nāṭikāḥ).


Large stele of Phimeanakas - Late 12th c.

In 1916, during the excavation of the base of the Phimeanakas ប្រាសាទភិមានអាកាស (the Royal Palace of Jayavarman VII), Henri Marchal unearthed a large stele with a Sanskrit inscription referenced K. 485. In 1942, G. Cœdès revised Louis Finot's initial translation in his second volume of Inscriptions du Cambodge.

This is a poem written by none other than Queen Indradevī, second wife of King Jayavarman VII, and younger sister of Jayarājadevī, the king's first wife. It is, for the most part, a panegyric of Jayarājadevī, tracing his biography and recalling his good works. Its composition seems to place it in the last ten years of the twelfth century. This text is of the utmost importance in understanding this queen's investment in the running of the kingdom, and particularly in her social and religious works. The iconography of the Bayon echoes this text, but it is not our intention to demonstrate this here. However, in order to understand the importance of the Queen's investment, here are a few of the stanzas from her panegyric; as the stele is fragmented, some are incomplete.

 

L. (...) all the difficult ascetic practices, she succeeded, repeated them, desired them, found them easy…

 

LII. Her beauty (...) burned by asceticism, but not destroyed or diminished…

 

LIV. Walking (...) on the ninth day, she followed the path (…) asceticism (…) manifesting the conduct of faithful wives.

 

LIX. Instructed by her elder sister Çri Indradevi, and considering the Buddha as the beloved to be attained, she followed the calm path of the Sugata* that passes through the midst of the fire of torments and the sea of sorrows.

* Gautama Buddha's epithet.

 

LXXI. The queen (...) creating merit for herself by the abundance of her wealth (...) lavishing her benefits on all beings, applied to the good of the world (...).

 

LXXII. Having found her husband the king of kings, grateful, she (poured down upon the earth) a shower of magnificent gifts, like a Gaṅga (descended from heaven as a result of) her asceticism.

 

LXXIII. (...) and her vow, having realized the Buddhist fruit (...) she commissioned her own dancers to perform, to give performances drawn from the Jātaka**.

** A collection of tales and stories recounting the many past lives of Buddhas, and in particular those of the historical Buddha Shakyamuni.

 

LXXIV (...) those who, as a result of the decadence of Scripture, were distracted by the objects of the senses, saw, thanks to her who had hastened to inform the king, their (worldly) ties broken, attached themselves to Scripture and attained the quality of dvija***.

*** That is to say enjoying privileges attached to the three upper castes.

 

The stanza that interests us here is stanza LXXIII. It enlightens us on several points:

  • Queen Jayarājadevī has a corps de ballet.
  • The dancers dance within the framework of the spiritual path imposed by the Queen.
  • The dancers play the Jātaka, non-hermetic texts accessible to the greatest number of people.

This last point is the most important because it allows us to understand the complexity of the dance. These are not simple aesthetic choreographies. The bodily movements taken from the Nāṭya Śāstra are narrative. Stanza LXXIV speaks of “decadence of Scripture” and “distraction by objects of the senses”. Dance is therefore, beyond its offering dimension, a teaching tool parallel to reading or listening to sacred texts. An assertion is reinforced by stanza LXXI: “The queen (...) creating merit for herself by the abundance of her wealth (...) lavishing her benefits on all beings, applied to the good of the world (...)”.

The complexity of ancient dance in the service of religion allows us to better understand the dizzying numbers of dancers from the temples of Ta Prohm (615 dancers) or Preah Khan (1000 dancers) mentioned above. These figures reflect, in our opinion, both active dancers, but also the entire procession of girls in training from a very young age. Given the complexity of the discipline, many years of training are required. For example, within the framework of the Royal Ballet of Contemporary Cambodia, 10 to 15 years are required to train a dancer.

 

Queen Jayarājadevī as dance master at Bayon

The general methodology of our study is based, when possible, on the crossing of sources: epigraphy, iconography, objects, ethnography. Stanza LXXIII of the large Phimeanakas stele is illuminated, at Bayon, by two supposed representations of Queen Jayarājadevī in the role of a dance master.

The eastern entrance is the natural entrance to the Bayon, the state temple of the royalty of the Royal Triad (King Jayavarman and his two wives, Jayarājadevī and Indradevī). It is, by its position, strategic on the information level. It opens onto one of the eight dance rooms. The follower or visitor is welcomed, as in all temples of the Bayon period, by two stone guardians, namely a Deva (left) and an Asura (right). Then, outside each of these two characters, stand, on the left, Queen Indradevī, and on the right, Jayarājadevī, according to the common theory of Phalika Ngin and Gérard Maitrepierre that we support. At the foot of Queen Jayarājadevī stands a sacred dancer, marking the monarch's status as “superintendent of dance”.

 

Inside the dance hall, on the south side, is another image of a dance master, seen in three-quarter view, wearing a crown similar to that of Queen Jayarājadevī depicted in full length at the eastern entrance. She wears a pair of bracelets and armbands, a thick necklace, a cross harness, and holds in her right hand what appears to be a lotus bud, a symbol of power, similar to that of the statue of the queen at the entrance. This dance master is seated in an elevated position in front of what one might think is another dance master or a dancer who is holding a container against her body. The general characteristics of the raised figure, and its position in the dance hall of the main entrance to the temple, could support the thesis of a representation of Queen Jayarājadevī in the position of dance master.

 

But there's more. On the pilaster next to the Asura is a sculpted image, partially erased by water erosion. It is a female figure seen in profile, seated in the manner of dance master, mouth open and finger outstretched, wearing a crown similar to that of Queen Jayarājadevī. The flap of her skirt extends to the front.

Original image.

Cut out image.


We can't say for sure that this is Queen Jayarājadevī, but her strategic position offers only two possibilities: the Queen herself in the role of dance superintendent or the temple's general dance master if ever there was one.

 

In this way, the image illuminates the text and vice versa. Jayarājadevī is both a queen and a humble character: LXXI. (...) lavishing her benefits on all beings, applied to the good of the world (...).

She became involved with her dancers as dance superintendent, inviting them to spread the Buddha's message: LXXIII. (...) and her vow, having realized the Buddhist fruit (...) she commissioned her own dancers to perform, to give performances drawn from the Jātaka.

The two images opposite allow us to compare the similarities of the crown, the jewels and the posture of the right hand. 


For further…